Last weekend’s Conservative Political Action Committee could not have come at a more urgent time.
With the recent passing of Rush Limbaugh, the palpable sense of rudderlessness in the wake of Democrats’ catastrophic power-grab had caused the entire GOP ship to list.
To be clear, it is not a failure of the Republican ethos, vision or leadership that brought us here, but a shot across the port.
The kamikaze Left finally went all-in on its plan to disrupt and destroy the “systemically racist” democratic model, which has long served as a beacon for the rest of the world.
To be doubly, painstakingly clear—I’m talking about vote fraud.
One of the most noteworthy numbers to come out of CPAC was a strong consensus—93% of those in attendance—that the election was stolen, according to the Washington Times.
Numbers like those make gaslighting a bit difficult. Thus, in addition to their misdirection on the “Big Lie” by blaming the other side for their own transgressions, Democrats are also resorting to suppression and intimidation tactics.
Ironically, even at the GOP gathering, the election threatened to be the elephant in the room due to the Left’s continued efforts to strong-arm its opposition into compliance.
The Right Side Broadcasting Network decided to self-censor by cutting away from some discussions of it, encouraging viewers to “do your own research.”
Even Duly Elected President Donald Trump was cautious to focus only on one irrefutable fact: that state Democratic leaders unconstitutionally enacted last-minute rules changes in violation of their own legislatures and statutes.
A PATTERN OF MALFEASANCE
Truth be told, we cannot now know just how close of an election it was—or who the legitimate winner was—since Democrats were hell-bent on leaving the matter unresolved.
Nor do the newly awakened among us know for certain whether this degree of election-meddling is common practice—an unavoidable political reality that both sides have engaged in for ages—or a more recent development.
We do know, of course, that when their chips are down, Democrats have long decried fraud with little or no evidence serving as their basis. That makes their recent bad-faith denial of it all the more egregious and perplexing.
In light of the unprecedented voting circumstances—largely wrought by their pandemic hysteria-mongering—one might think Democrats would wish to resolve all ambiguity and uncertainty about the outcome.
But instead, they have engaged in willful ignorance and intentional distortion of the narrative by insisting upon “no evidence.” That also has been the case in several other recent Democrat scandals where evidence has been present, signaling a clear pattern of intent.
Any criminal profiler might see the tell-tale signs of a guilty conscience in their concerted demands that we just stop talking about it—without any acknowledgment that, well, some things do seem a bit off.
Consider the following:
- Notorious Democrat fraudster Marc Elias—the DNC lawyer who commissioned the Steele Dossier and has succeeded in flipping many an election by coming up with just enough ballots to reverse the outcome—was one of the first to clamor for “emergency” mail-in voting, on the very day that Trump declared a national pandemic emergency.
- Several of the tossup states that Trump won in 2016 but reversed course in 2020 did so under highly suspicious circumstances, including major urban centers (Philadelphia, Atlanta, Milwaukee, Detroit) that shut down mid-counting, took an inordinate amount of time tallying the results, and persecuted or turned away GOP poll watchers.
- Several cities and states put forth final results that were statistically impossible, and the final outcome proved to be anomalous with decades of conventional wisdom about the bellwether states and counties that predicted election victories (the vast majority of which Trump won). Likewise, the GOP gains in the House and the broad support of Trump among his base would suggest a larger turnout for him than Biden.
- Democrats had long set the expectation, prior to the election, that there could be endless legal challenges. Hillary Clinton advised Joe Biden not to concede “under any circumstances.” And yet, as soon as the margin flipped in his favor, so, too, did the rhetoric—even before all the states had finished counting ballots. Suddenly, skepticism was tantamount to a “dangerous” conspiracy theory—or even sedition.
- Of the 83 total cases involving election challenges, most have been dismissed for procedural reasons. Those that came before the election were told to wait till after; those afterward were mooted, or else had expired under the principle of laches. If all else failed, courts—including the US Supreme Court—arbitrarily decided that the GOP plaintiffs lacked standing—possibly to avoid sullying their hands amid extortionist left-wing threats of court-packing.
- Of the 21 cases decided on merit, Trump and his supporters have triumphed two-thirds of the time.
When it comes to moving forward, America’s future now seems very much like a loveless marriage in which one spouse catches the other partner cheating—with the town’s only divorce lawyer, who then blames the hapless victim for walking in on the affair.
The true test of GOP survival is whether it can meet, in kind, the level of activist effort that leftist social-justice warriors engaged in during their legal fights to stymie the Trump agenda.
But it’s an area where the Right is clearly outgunned and, frankly, is facing down a somewhat embarrassing track record.
Notice how quickly the Left has prioritized measures like its controversial HR1 election overhaul—a 360-page piece of legislation that would effectively do to free and fair elections what the Affordable Care Act did to healthcare, giving Democrats at the federal level unprecedented power to regulate everything.
Many of the practices that they illegally rammed through under the auspices of COVID during the last election would now be legally codified to ensure similar outcomes.
It is imperative that the constitutionality of the so-called ‘For the People’ Act be met with unrelenting legal and political challenges.
One of the first is Brnovich v. DNC, in which Arizona’s attorney general is appealing the ruling by a leftist-dominated Ninth Circuit that would allow Democrats to engage in election-undermining practices like ballot-harvesting because… racism.
The six Republican-appointed justices appeared poised to side with Brnovich in upholding the state’s legislative efforts to safeguard against fraud, thereby paving the way for other GOP-led states to do the same.
Nonetheless, there will be many other attempts over the next two years for the Left to shore up and legitimize its ill-gotten political power in advance of the 2022 midterm. All of these are battles the GOP cannot afford to lose.
At CPAC, Trump definitively settled the question of whether he would continue to have a lead role in steering the party’s course during the Biden presidency. His fundraising efforts through the new Save America PAC, as well as his endorsements and base-rallying prowess will be as important as ever.
But, having coalesced around its leadership, support for the unsung efforts of its legal champions like Brnovich, Texas’s Ken Paxton and nonprofits like Judicial Watch should now be the GOP’s top priority.
Otherwise, they may be its last line of defense.
Follow Ben Sellers on Parler at https://parler.com/profile/Sellers.